ELECTION 1908: THE WRONG ROAD TAKEN

The 1908 Santa Rosa election was actually a referendum: Should the town join the 20th century? The voters said no.

By a 17 point margin in the race for mayor and a gap more than 2x in some city council contests, voters elected a slate that represented the status quo – the “Good Ol’ Boys” who had long controlled the town. Such a sweeping victory is even more remarkable considering there was a record-breaking turnout of voters largely because the previous G.O.B. administration had spurred outrage by legalizing Nevada-style prostitution in Santa Rosa. (This is the sixth and final part of this series. For background, view the previous article or see the full index.)

Regardless of which side you wanted to win, election night was an evening that makes one yearn for a time machine. “The crowds in Newspaper Row on Fifth street in the evening were immense,” reported the PD. “From half past seven o’clock until the last returns had been thrown on the canvass outside the Press Democrat office, thousands of people blocked the streets watching the stereopticon [a ‘magic lantern’ projector].” When the final results were announced, a large bonfire was ignited and the flag-waving crowd, led by a brass band, paraded up Mendocino Ave. to College Avenue, where they rallied at the home of the mayor-elect James Gray.

Victory rally hoopla aside, it was actually a tragic night for Santa Rosa. As the wave of the reform movement continued to sweep out corruption in San Francisco and other American cities, the new mayor made certain the status quo did not change here. The “boarding house” ordinance was quickly repealed as promised (at the very first session of the new City Council), but that only dropped the license fee and the requirement that the prostitutes be examined for sexual disease. The bordellos stayed in business, as revealed in this followup posting.

So who were the Good Ol’ Boys? During the campaign, the leader of the ad-hoc “Municipal League” party named four men he claimed were the “bosses” of Santa Rosa. Whether the accusation was truthful or no, they weren’t kingpins in the sense of Boss Tweed or San Francisco’s Abe Ruef; for one thing, the four were equally divided between Republican and Democratic allegiances. The town certainly had a political machine, however, and that was shown by the Dems and Repubs making a backroom deal to present a “fusion” ticket. The local party leaders might bicker when it came to state and national candidates and issues, but they stood together when it came to blocking anyone from cracking down on Santa Rosa’s vice-driven underground economy.

In a nutshell, the Good Ol’ Boys were the men who profited and/or participated in the local underground economy, primarily prostitution and illegal gambling. It appears they mostly still had the dust of the Wild West in their thinning hair and a swaggering, I’ll-do-anything-I-please attitude; to them, it was acceptable for downtown Santa Rosa to become a lawless place after dark because it brought in lots of money, damned be the harm done. This is how the town had functioned since the 1880s or 1870s. By contrast, the Municipal League crowd wanted Santa Rosa to blossom as a middle class, mercantile community, where women could be out in the evenings without risk of being assaulted or mistaken for a prostitute.

A little peek inside the Good Ol’ Boy network inadvertently appeared in a Press Democrat editorial, revealing that two of the First street buildings being used as bordellos were owned by Cornelius Shea and Dr. Summerfield. These men, along with an adjacent property owner, Daniel Behmer, were considered upstanding business men in Santa Rosa. Con Shea owned much of the prime real estate downtown, most famously the “Shea Block” (the entire south side of Fourth st. between B and A streets, now the heart of the mall) and was VP and a director of the Savings Bank of Santa Rosa. Dr. J. J. Summerfield was a well-known veterinarian. These were not absentee slumlords or pimps running a prostitution empire; they were just local investors whose portfolios included whorehouses. The cynical Old Guard could make the case that Behmer was little different from any commercial real estate developer willing to “build to suit” when he had the structure at 720 First st. constructed to suit his tenant’s unique needs.

Santa Rosa was also packed with saloons, with never fewer than 30-40 downtown during that era, except for a blip after the great earthquake. Although the prohibitionist faction in the Municipal League wanted to lock their doors forever, anti-corruption reformers probably wanted city police to simply enforce the laws against illegal gambling inside them.* A 1905 exposé in the Santa Rosa Republican quoted the Chief of Police as saying he couldn’t make arrests because the City Council “will not back me up.” The betting activity historically peaked during the August horse races and was centered at the Oberon Saloon, which was located in another building owned by Con Shea.

Whether the reformers would have followed through and cleaned up the town is impossible to know, but the Good Ol’ Boys had reason to fear that the Municipal League would have more bite than bark if it won the election. Their candidate for mayor was Rolfe Thompson, a former DA who just months before had successfully sued Daniel Behmer for damages accounting to his owning property used for prostitution. If Thompson became the new mayor, he might well have ordered the District Attorney to file suit against Shea, Summerfield, and whoever owned the six other bawdy houses in Santa Rosa. A Municipal League City Council could have told the police chief that yes, you should enforce the gaming laws. There was much at stake, and their win could have been the end of the Good Ol’ Boys’ smalltown empire of crime.

There are a couple of interesting footnotes to the Santa Rosa election of 1908. It was the first local election where women played a significant political role (it would be four more years before women gained the right to vote in California). “The women took an active interest in the election, and they ‘button-holed’ the sterner sex on every hand and questioned them regarding their intentions when it came to using the little rubber stamp,” the Press Democrat reported. (Unfortunately, not enough men listened to them.) In Healdsburg, where the town had voted a day earlier on whether it would go “dry,” women lobbied for prohibition and constructed a booth where they offered a free lunch.

It was also the occasion when Press Democrat editor Ernest Finley finally jumped the shark and lost any pretense of journalistic objectivity, even by the feeble standards of the day. Finley – who was among the election night supporters of Gray speaking to the crowd from the mayor-elect’s front porch – relentlessly attacked Thompson and the Municipal League for bringing attention to Santa Rosa’s corruption to outsiders, thereby harming the town’s stellar reputation. In Finleyland, these were “…unjust and uncalled-for attacks upon some of the best-known people of the community… Santa Rosa will not be apt to recover from the effects for a long time to come.” He kept spitting at the walloped reformers even after the election, until the Santa Rosa Republican told him to stop being such a sore winner and shut up. “The Press Democrat man is a great fighter,” a Republican editorial began. “His dander is up. He is going to show the world that he is ‘real devilish’ when aroused. The combatants in the struggle just ended have disbanded and gone home. The Press Democrat man hasn’t. He never, never will lay down his arms. He is the late battlefield all alone.”

*It should be noted that we don’t really know the Municipal League’s exact position on gambling, prostitution, saloons, or anything else. No campaign literature survives, and the only known copies of the sympathetic prohibitionist’s newsletter, “The Citizen,” are from a year or more later. In one article reproduced below, the writer bemoans there was prize fighting (illegal under state law, although boxing was allowed) and “slot machines are going merrily in the saloons.” Much of what is known about the Municipal League campaign comes from rebuttals that appeared in Press Democrat editorials.

 

YE VALIANT WARRIOR!

The fight concluded and all danger being past, the editor of the Evening Republican crawls from his hiding place in the brush, fans the dust off his knees, and rushes bravely to the front. Waiving his rustless sword on high, he cries:

“Stop, talking and bury the hatchet!”

There is no disposition upon his the part of anybody that we know of to continue the fight, but the resentment that has been aroused by the so-called Municipal League and which found expression at the ratification meeting in front of Mr. Gray’s residence Tuesday evening, is but natural. Under ordinary circumstances, and where the fight is fair, the disposition of the victors is usually magnanimous. But the flight as conducted by the organization mentioned was not a fair fight. The foulest of tactics were employed. False issues, and issues known to be false, were raised whenever and wherever it was thought they would secure a vote. Personalities were indulged in to an extent never before heard of in a campaign here, municipal or otherwise. Honest men, some of the very best in Santa Rosa–men who had freely devoted their time to the public service, and who were entitled to the heartfelt thanks of the entire community for services faithfully and intelligently performed, were assailed without cause and for no good reason were abused and vilified upon every possible occasion like a gang of pickpockets.

Of course such work was resented. It ought to be resented. People have and should have no right to imagine that they can do such things and then escape all responsibility by merely shouting “the gong has sounded.”

Santa Rosa now faces two years of strenuous endeavor. Time are none too good, and it is going to require some hard work and some keen manipulation to keep all the wheels turning. But it can be done, and we believe it will be done. All public-spirited citizens owe it to the community as well as to themselves to get behind the new administration and help accomplish these results. If, when the two years are passed, the results have not proved satisfactory, those who take that view of the matter will have a perfect right to say so.

But they should learn by the developments of the past few days that the public will expect them to be fair in their criticisms. and not unmindful of what is reasonable and what is just.

– Press Democrat editorial, April 9, 1908

 

STILL FIGHTING

The Press Democrat man is a great fighter. His dander is up. He is going to show the world that he is “real devilish” when aroused. The combatants in the struggle just ended have disbanded and gone home. The Press Democrat man hasn’t. He never, never will lay down his arms. He is the late battlefield all alone, and is making the fight of his life. When the silence of this scene threatens to overcome him, he whoops real loud and that keeps him from getting too scared to run away. This is the first time it in the martial annals of the world that a battle was going on after the fighting was all over. Sad indeed would have been the dying of the vanquished had they known in that last hour that the valiant Press Democrat man was going to make “rough-house” at their funeral. But he is a great fighter.

– Santa Rosa Republican editorial, April 9, 1908

 

THE MINISTERIAL UNION AGAIN

Practically the entire issue of the current number of The Citizen, the official organ of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, is devoted to lambasting the Press Democrat and putting forth a thinly-veiled appeal to the church people to withdraw their support and patronage from this paper.

And why?

Has the Press Democrat ever shown itself unfriendly to the church or its institutions? Have we ever arrayed ourselves against the project undertaken by religious organizations of the city for the furtherance of the advancement of their legitimate work? Have we ever failed to accord church news proper space or attention in our local columns? Have we ever, at any time or under any circumstances, directed one word of criticism towards any true man of God laboring along broad-minded lines within his proper sphere?

Of course not, and every reader of this paper knows it.

But the Press Democrat, always resentful of anything that savored of class government and forever opposed to the interference of church and state, in the recent municipal campaign stood up and vigorously fought the attempt of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, acting by proxy and parading in fancied disguise to secure control of public affairs here. We would have opposed such an attempt upon the part of the saloon interests just as quickly–for the representatives of any other special interest or class for that matter–for no special class of people, acting and operating as such, have the right to aspire to control in this country. Individuals have the right to aspire to anything they choose, but classes have no such rights. If they were allowed to think so, we should soon have class government, which is something no sensible man can approve and something entirely opposed to the principles on which our nation is founded.

The Ministerial Union is pouring the vials of its wrath upon the Press Democrat because we opposed that organization in the last campaign and for no other reason.

And what is this so-called in Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, which in its “official organ” thus comes out and openly advocates that the Press Democrat be boycotted for standing by its principles in the recent municipal campaign? Is the organization one that is truly representative of the local ministry? Do all the ministers of the city endorse the policies of the so-called Ministerial Union? Do even the majority of them favor “the preacher in politics” or stand for the cowardly and un-American boycott, about which its own campaign paper was having so much to say only a few weeks since?

No!

Three of the ministers actively engaged in pastoral work here takes no part in the political activities of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, and two of the remaining six or known to have little real sympathy with such methods. This is four men who really constitute the organization and direct its policies. These four men directed the recent Municipal League campaign and wrote most of the articles that appeared in the League paper. One of them acted as editor-in-chief, and had the final decision regarding the availability of all articles submitted for publication.

And these same four men are the ones who now ask the people of Santa Rosa to withdraw their support and patronage from the Press Democrat because this paper happens to have enough backbone to stand up and say what it thinks, regardless of whose toes may be temporarily trampled upon.

The public have not forgotten the kind of arguments that were put out by the Municipal League paper during the campaign just closed, or the thousand-and-one absurd accusations that were made against everything and everybody connected with the other side. Never were charges hurled about with such reckless prodigality. None of them were based upon fact. Long before the campaign was ended they had all been disproved, and not one of the terrible things that were going to happen in the event of Mr. Gray’s election have materialized.

And it is the same men who are responsible for the campaign conducted by the so-called Municipal League who are now throwing bricks at the Press Democrat, and asking people to believe that we stand for all kinds of outrageous ideas and practices.

Along with a lot of other things, the Ministerial Union in its official organ charges for the Press Democrat has “misrepresented and vilified the churches and ministers, and has consistently stood for prostitution, gambling, the Sunday saloon and the obscene story.” Of course none of these charges are true, and our readers know it. The Press Democrat is just as anxious as the members on the Ministerial Union or anybody else to see affairs here conducted properly, and to maintain and elevate the moral tone of the community. While we may not agree with certain members of the organization referred to regarding the best way of accomplishing the results desired, to contend that this paper stands for anything but what is best for all concerned is ridiculous as well as absurd. We challenge a comparison of the class of matter contained in these columns with either those of “Verity,” “The Citizen,” or “The Municipal League,” and defy any human being to show where we ever stood in all our newspaper experience “stood” for topics as questionable or stories anything like as suggestive as those discussed and told day after day and night after night after night by the Evangelist Bulgin at his big test on Fourth Street.

The Santa Rosa Ministerial Union has now been in existence for several years. in all good faith and with courtesy you should like to enquire of the gentlemen making up that body if they really think anything has been gained for the cause by the policy that has been pursued since the organization . As we view the matter, valuable support has been alienated that might just as well have been retained, strong antagonisms have been aroused where friendships might have been formed, and strife and ill-feeling has been engendered when only harmony, peace and good-will should prevail.

Why not try different tactics for a while?

– Press Democrat editorial, May 3, 1908

THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION

The city council is allowing the denizens of the “red light district” district to go on violating the law by selling liquor without a license. It is commonly reported that there are nine government licenses taken out in that district. That ought to be enough evidence. Nothing else should be needed. Talk about enforcing the law. We have a weak set of men on the council of this city. They hang their head pans supinely in the presence of a few “sporting women” and say, “we are powerless.” It is about time we had somebody in office whose backbone is not composed of shoestrings. An order was issued that the women must leave that district last August. Nothing was done about it.

We thought that Mr. Gray was to do great things if elected. He would show the Santa Rosa people how to do things. The saloon organ of this city on the 18th of March last year said, “And that there is also another reason, which is that James H. Gray is a better man for mayor of Santa Rosa than Rolfe L. Thompson could ever think of being.” We are willing to leave it to any fair-minded man who knows Mr. Thompson as to whether Mr. Thompson would have been as as inefficient in the office of mayor as Mr. Gray has been. We would like to ask with all due respect for Mr. Gray, what has been done while in office? He was going to clean up the notorious “red light district.” He has not done anything in that line. The town is going on in the same old way.

It is practically a wide-open town today. The saloons are running full blast 18 hours out of 24. We have lately had added to our list of booze resorts another, making a total of 40. Liquor is sold in the “red light district.” Prize fighting is allowed in town. Slot machines are going merrily in the saloons. Yes, there is one thing which we are glad to see the council has ostensibly stopped (we do not know whether the laws enforced or not), and that is, gambling in the rear of cigar stores. We want to give all due praise, but when we come to sum up the administration under the present mayor, who came to this office with the highest praise of the saloon organ, we find that it has been about as spineless as any thing could well be and have any existence at all.

The puzzle that was printed in The Municipal League, showing Mr. Gray in minute minutes type between Grace and Geary, had more truth than poetry in it. Where will you find the mayor today? “The only answer is the echo of our wailing cry.”

– The Citizen, April, 1909

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ELECTION 1908: MR. FINLEY’S SAVAGE PEN

“The Press Democrat prides itself upon the fact that it never intentionally misrepresents things,” boasted PD editor Ernest Finley, as his newspaper continued to misrepresent nearly everything about the reformers who wanted to clean up Santa Rosa.

Part one of this series introduced the bitter divisions shown in the 1908 city elections. On one side were the “Good Ol’ Boys” who wanted to maintain the status quo; so determined were they to hold their grasp on the town that the Democratic and Republican parties jointly offered a “fusion” slate of the same candidates. Opposing them was an alliance of prohibitionists, anti-corruption progressives, and voters angered over the City Council’s legalization of prostitution. The reform group called itself the “Municipal League,” and was headed by a former District Attorney, who raised eyebrows during the campaign by naming the four powerful men whom he claimed were the “bosses” of Santa Rosa. He might as well have expanded the list to include a fifth name: Ernest Latimer Finley, editor, publisher, and co-owner of the Santa Rosa Press Democrat.

Finley reached deep into the grab-bag of yellow journalism tricks to attack the reformers, which he did relentlessly and with a disregard for fairness that must have been shocking at the time. These were the tactics expected from a big city paper on a campaign to tear down a corrupt political machine or expose racketeers, not what a newspaper editor in a small farm town (pop. about 9,500) would normally write about a sizable portion of the community, and possibly the majority of voters, at that. Finley’s bile was so thick that some in the Municipal League called for supporters to cancel their subscription to the PD – which only allowed Finley to additionally play the victim card, claiming the newspaper was threatened with a “cowardly and un-American” boycott.

Some examples of the Press Democrat mud fling were given in part one, with Finley bowling over straw men and feigning outrage over literal interpretations of things said by reformers (as in: The PD was “owned” by the Good Ol’ Boys). These kinds of misrepresentations continued for weeks.

Because the Municipal League was endorsed by the “Santa Rosa Ministerial Union,” Finley wrote “the so-called Municipal League has been nothing more and nothing less than a church movement, organized and launched by the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union. As such, every possible effort has been made to hide the fact.” The PD also painted the Ministerial Union as a shadowy cabal that didn’t even have the support of most area clergy, and when the group objected to the paper’s “nasty disposition towards the members of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union,” Finley offered the audacious defense that “the Press Democrat is not unfriendly in the least to either the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union or any of its members” (and this was on the same April 2 page where he claimed the PD never intentionally misrepresented anything).

But charging that the Municipal League was really the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union in disguise was just Finley’s groundwork for his more vicious attack: Since the Ministerial Union was pro-prohibition, the Municipal League candidates must also have a secret agenda to force prohibition upon Santa Rosa – and that the reformers were hypocrites for repeatedly denying they wanted to turn the town dry. Two days before the election, Finley openly accused them of lying:


While every man, woman and child in Santa Rosa knows differently and realizes fully that the election of the so-called Municipal League is intended as the entering wedge towards prohibition, the League nominees and the League paper have contended–and still so contend, for that matter–that no anti-saloon legislation is contemplated and any assertion to the effect that this is a movement calculated to effect the saloon business in any way is a “campaign lie.”

The people who oppose such things have every right to try to close up the saloons if they wish. But why should they not come out and make their fight in the open? The course they have followed in this respect has done their cause far more harm than good, for the public very naturally argues that any man or set of men who would attempt to secure control of public affairs through misrepresentation by purposely misleading the voters are hardly the men to be entrusted with responsibility and power.

The art of yellow journalism, however, is found not in what you write – it’s what you don’t. The PD had demonstrated its mastery of this technique a few months earlier, when a popular downtown restaurant gave numerous people serious cases of food poisoning, yet the Press Democrat did not once mention the restaurant’s name (the joint, BTW, advertised exclusively in their paper). Now what Ernest Finley didn’t want readers to know was that the true fathers of the Municipal League were two of the most respected men in town: ex-mayor J. S. Sweet, head of the Santa Rosa Business College, and Luther Burbank.

Almost three years earlier, Sweet and Burbank were president and VP of the newly-formed “Good Government League,” which was likewise an effort to create a political organization to clean up Santa Rosa. And just as with his attacks on the Municipal League, Finley accused the 1905 group of being secretive elitists who didn’t care if they damaged the town’s image by pointing out that reform was needed.

Now in 1908, the PD did its best to not mention the men at all, particularly the lionized Luther Burbank. When Burbank spoke at the election eve rally, the Press Democrat reported only that “Mr. Burbank read a carefully prepared statement of some length,” and that Prof. Sweet complimented the city’s current administration before telling a cryptic anecdote. In contrast, the Santa Rosa Republican published Burbank’s remarks, and reported that Sweet detailed the history of the town’s reform Leagues, including their formation by “some two or three hundred men all prominently connected with the business interests of the city.” The truth apparently was the opposite of Finley’s portrayal of the reformers as naive, church-led prohibitionists.

As the campaigns came to a close, Finley took one last mean jab at the reformers:


[I]t is no exaggeration to say that more hard feelings has been stirred up, and more little narrow, petty, mean work done than in any previous campaign in all the city’s history. Charges so silly as to be absurd on the face have been advanced in all apparent seriousness, unjust and uncalled-for attacks upon some of the best-known people of the community have been framed up solely because it was imagined that votes could be obtained thereby.

With that gem of Orwellian newspeak, all benefit of doubt vanishes that Finley was simply misinformed. After weeks of flinging accusations against the Municipal League, it was contemptible for him to speak of “hard feelings” and “unjust and uncalled-for attacks.” This was the cry of a thug who jumped someone from behind, kicked him in the head, and later complained that the victim scuffed the shine of his jackboot.

“The Press Democrat prides itself upon the fact that it never intentionally misrepresents things, and, when it comes to publishing the news, the fact that it appears in this paper may usually be taken as a guarantee of its authenticity.”


THE PREACHER IN POLITICS


For some time past the morning paper of Santa Rosa has entertained and repeatedly expressed a nasty disposition towards the members of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, and it embraces every possible opportunity to make insinuating flings at the various clergyman of this city.–Ministerial Union.

The above statement is not true.

The Press Democrat is not unfriendly in the least to either the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union or any of its members.

We have never yet, at any time or under any circumstances, criticized the acts of any of the Santa Rosa ministers as long as they confined their attention to matter spiritual.

In his legitimate field, the minister of the gospel is entitled to and usually receives the encouragement and support of all right-thinking people.

They have certainly always received it at the hands of the Press Democrat, and they always will.

But we know of no reason why a minister of the gospel should expect to be exempt from criticism when he goes into politics, anymore than anyone else.

In everything we have had to say upon the subject of “the preacher in politics,” we have endeavored to be courteous, reasonable and fair.

When we have said we were opposed to the preacher in politics, we have always given our reason for it.

We believe these reasons have been good reasons.

When the preacher goes into politics he usually does his cause more harm than good. The majority of people are opposed to the coalition of church and state and rightfully so; and, almost invariably, the interference of the minister and political affairs results in alienating valuable support that might otherwise be made to operate for the good of the cause. We see this every day. It has been evidenced here time and again. It is being evidenced in Santa Rosa right now.

– Press Democrat editorial, April 2, 1908
A CAMPAIGN OF HOLLOW PRETENSE AND FALSE ISSUES

Our first article in reference to the present campaign, which appeared on Wednesday morning, March 18, began with these words:

Judging from the initial numbers of the paper to be issued from now on to election by the so-called Municipal League–which, as everyone by this time no doubt fully realizes is little more than the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union acting by proxy and parading in disguise–the campaign to be conducted by that organization promises to bear a close resemblance to the one that was put up in this city two years ago.

In other words, the people are to be asked to believe a lot of things that are not true, and are to be told what to do by men who have had little if any experience in the handling of public affairs, and who when it comes to a discussion of such matters give evidence at every turn they do not know what they are talking about.

The battle is now practically over. If there was ever a correct forecast of impending conditions, it appeared in the above. From start to finish the League’s campaign has been based on false issues, and, with few if any exceptions, the things said have been untrue. All kinds of charges have been made, only to be shown as false and then dropped, or dropped before being answered at all. Bad feelings have been stirred up unnecessarily, and personal vilification has been indulged in to an extent seldom if ever before known here.


Although the campaign as waged by the manipulators of the so-called Municipal League has been nothing more and nothing less than a church movement, organized and launched by the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union. As such, every possible effort has been made to hide the fact. One of the officers of that body even went so far as to deny, in a signed statement, that there was “even the shadow of a foundation” upon which to base such a charge. Yet more than six months ago the official organ of the Ministerial Union announced that it would have a ticket in the field, the fund from which the expenses are being paid was raised at a mass meeting called by the Ministerial Union, and Mr. Thompson formally opened his campaign from the platform of a revival meeting arranged and conducted under the direct auspices of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, as such.


While every man, woman and child in Santa Rosa knows differently and realizes fully that the election of the so-called Municipal League is intended as the entering wedge towards prohibition, the League nominees and the League paper have contended–and still so contend, for that matter–that no anti-saloon legislation is contemplated and any assertion to the effect that this is a movement calculated to effect the saloon business in any way is a “campaign lie.”

The people who oppose such things have every right to try to close up the saloons if they wish. But why should they not come out and make their fight in the open? The course they have followed in this respect has done their cause far more harm than good, for the public very naturally argues that any man or set of men who would attempt to secure control of public affairs through misrepresentation by purposely misleading the voters are hardly the men to be entrusted with responsibility and power.


One of the charges made by the so-called Municipal League is that the ticket named by the Democratic and Republican parties was named by a “clique,” while, by inference at least, the League ticket is free from even a suspicion of such a thing. The fact is that the Democratic and Republican tickets were nominated at open mass meetings, to which all were invited by notice published in the newspapers and otherwise, while the League ticket was “nominated” by half a dozen men who met in secret, and allowed no intimation of their plan to be given publicly until the names of the nominees were published in an afternoon paper, together with the endorsement that they had been “nominated.” Probably two or three hundred men participated in the nomination of the candidates whose names appear on the Democratic and Republican tickets. Not more than five or six men in the outside participated in the “nomination” of the League ticket.


One of the League’s favorite topics for discussion has been the social evil, and this has been handled pretty much as everything else. Until the Press Democrat pointed out the facts, many people had an idea that nothing of the kind has ever existed here before, and that the action of the present administration in putting the tenderloin district under strict control was really and attempt to let down the bars and encourage that sort of traffic. The exact opposite is the case, and at the meeting in Germania Hall a few nights since one of the leading candidates publicly admitted it from the platform. The tenderloin district has existed in its present locality for 30 years and has never been regulated before, save by the power of some policeman’s club. Except that due authority is now provided for exercising supervision and control, conditions have not been changed in the least. The boarding houses resolution licenses the sale of liquor, and that is all.


[..included in previous section..]


Mr. Thompson and his official organ have had a good deal to say on the subject of boycotts, and tried to make it appear that an attempt was being made to influence voters through the withdrawal of patronage. The only boycott we know anything about is the one that has been declared by the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union against the Press Democrat. Perhaps it is hardly fair to refer to this as a boycott, although a determined effort is being made by some members of that organization to induce people to discontinue their subscriptions to this paper and withdraw their patronage. In spite of this we are sending out more papers than ever before so the effort does not appear to have been particularly successful. But it is being made, nevertheless, and the fact will not be denied.


While voicing his great love for the laboring man, Mr. Thompson declares himself as against those proposed public improvements which are calculated to assist most in creating work for the artisan and furnishing him with profitable employment. And while he stands as the acknowledged and admitted representative of the men who, with a few exceptions, can always be counted upon to oppose progress, he asks the laboring man to vote for him instead of for Mr. Gray upon the ground that it will be to his best interests to do so. But the man who works for his living knows without being told where his interests lie in the present fight. If Mr. Gray and the progress ticket is elected, new people will be brought in, public and private improvements will be promoted in every possible way and the threatened period of business depression and hard times very likely averted.


From the first, the League has claimed that one of the principal reasons it was organized was because of a “general desire” upon the part of somebody or other to “do away with the unpleasant features” that usually attach to municipal campaigns. Yet it is no exaggeration to say that more hard feelings has been stirred up, and more little narrow, petty, mean work done than in any previous campaign in all the city’s history. Charges so silly as to be absurd on the face have been advanced in all apparent seriousness, unjust and uncalled-for attacks upon some of the best-known people of the community have been framed up solely because it was imagined that votes could be obtained thereby, and Santa Rosa will not be apt to recover from the effects for a long time to come.

– Press Democrat editorial, April 5, 1908
LARGE CROWD AT THE LAST MEETING
Municipal League Campaign Closes With Demonstration at Rink With Dr. D. P. Anderson Presiding

The Municipal League closed its campaign Monday night with a largely attended meeting at the rink. In addition to many women and children, a large number of out-of-town people who heard Mr. Thompson open his campaign at the Bulgin meetings were present to hear his closing address.

Dr. D. P. Anderson called the gathering to order made quite an address, in which he took occasion to quote freely from the Press Democrat and pay a high compliment to Luther Burbank who he then introduced as president of the meeting. Mr. Burbank read a carefully prepared statement of some length, after which he returned to his seat and was seen or heard of no more except as referred to by various speakers.

Dr. Anderson retained active control of the gathering and introduced the speakers in turn with some remarks bearing on their candidacy. Former Mayor J. S. Sweet was the main speaker of the evening, outside of Mr. Thompson, and after a flattering endorsement of the work of the present administration he explained his interest in the present campaign with the story of a young man who came from Cloverdale to his school but failed to break away from former bad habits when he came to Santa Rosa and had to be sent home.

…the nominees for councilmen, which were each presented in turn, and spoke a few words after which R. L. Thompson, the League candidate for mayor, was introduced to close the speechmaking. He made his usual explanations and statements as to the other meetings of the campaign, but was unable to hold his audience, and was forced to close before he had completed what he desired to say. Many present expressed the sentiment that the meeting had proved a failure as a vote-getter and in fact had helped the Fusion cause.

– Press Democrat, April 7, 1908
RINK WAS PACKED FULL
Immense Crowd Attended Campaign Closing

The rally held by the Municipal League at the skating rink on Monday evening to close the city campaign was one of the large political meetings ever held in the city. The rink was crowded to the doors and enthusiasm was at a high pitch. The crowd began to gather early and by the time for the calling of the meeting to order there was hardly standing room. The speakers and candidates, and the vice presidents had gathered in an adjoining room, and marched down the aisle to the stand, amid the wildest scenes of applause, especially as Rolfe L. Thompson, candidate for mayor, and Mr. Luther Burbank, appeared.

The meeting was opened by the singing of America… Mr. Burbank was greeted with hearty applause and his remarks were well received. The address of Mr. Burbank is printed elsewhere in this paper.

Before closing Mr. Burbank stated he did not feel able to take the active control the meeting, and asked Dr. Anderson to continue as chairman. Dr. Anderson then introduced ex-mayor J. S. Sweet, who is president of the Santa Rosa Business College, and one of the most influential citizens of the City of Roses. Mr. Sweet evidenced considerable earnestness in his remarks, and gave a brief history of the movement which he said has resulted in the present Municipal league. He told of the forming of the Good Government League in his own building 2 1/2 years ago, and that there were some two or three hundred men all prominently connected with the business interests of the city, who were in that movement. He also paid a glowing tribute to retiring Mayor Overton, and his efforts during the past two years, for the rebuilding of the city…

…The last speaker of the evening was the candidate for mayor, Rolfe L. Thompson, and it was several minutes before the applause subsided sufficient to be heard. Mr. Thompson made a very earnest, clear-cut speech and was often interrupted by the audience with their cheers. He took up the various issues of the campaign and reviewed them, telling the people what he proposed to do in case he is the choice for the first place in the city government. At one time during the address the feeling was at a very high pitch, as the speaker read from a publication a sacrilegious expression.

During the evening the Municipal Glee Club rendered a number of witty songs bearing upon the campaign and the candidates. The closing piece by the club was written by Will C. Grant, and was one of the best campaign songs heard in a long time.

– Santa Rosa Republican, April 7, 1908

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THE EDITOR’S DRUNKEN MUSE

Press Democrat editor Ernest Finley loved drunks, and if the tippler was also a hobo, so much the better.

Finley could write prose worthy of Mark Twain when the spirit moved him, and could sketch a memorable little portrait from just a routine court appearance (while likely inventing all the dialog in the scene). But Finley’s favorite muse was “Tennessee Bill,” a hobo with a window-rattling yell who also had a penchant for tearing off his clothes and setting fire to them. More of Finley’s poetics over the skunk-drunk can be found in the 1906 papers.

WAS WELL OFF BUT FORGOT

“Look here, Judge,” You let me go this time and I promise you I will not take a single drink. If I do and am brought before you again, you just give me the limit, six months, and I will not blame anybody but myself.”

So said Joe Fenton, an old offender to Judge Bagley on Tuesday morning shortly after his release from jail, where he had been doing time for over indulgence in liquor, when he was again presented before the magistrate.

“Very well,” said the magistrate. “Now, remember, you have made a bargain.”

Wednesday morning Fenton was picked up again, drunk and incapable. He was hauled before the police judge again, having been brought to court in the patrol wagon. Asked to explain the why and the wherefore, he said:

“Judge, I just took one drink.”

“That’s one more than you said you would. You told me to give you the limit. But sixty days.”

“All right sir.”

And Joe was taken over once more.

– Press Democrat, September 5, 1907
OLD JOKE THAT DID NOT WORK
“Tennessee Bill” Jailed in a Northern Calaboose, Burns His Clothes–Widely Known Specimen of Genus Hobo

William Cornelius Tennessee Goforth, familiarly known to all the officers of California from San Diego to Siskiyou and from the Sierras to the sea as “Tennessee Bill,” will probably drop into town in a day or two.

This noted specie of the genus hobo has been spending a few days of enforced retirement in the jail at Ukiah. The other day the people of that quiet Mendocino town were terrified by a series of most ungodly yells, and when the town marshal and the available police force investigated they found that the possessor of the powerful lung blast was none other than “Tennessee Bill.”

Bill was quickly gathered in and when taken before the magistrate was given a term in jail. It was necessary to prescribe a bath for Bill at Bastille soon after his arrival there. Then he tried on the same old joke he worked when he was last a guest at the county jail on Third street in this city. He watched an opportunity while the bath was being prepared and shoved all the old clothes he was wearing through the [illegible microfilm] as the flames preyed upon them. He reckoned without a realization that two can play a joke. Consequently instead of being passed out a brand new suit of overalls he was ordered at the conclusion of his ablutions to proceed to his cell and remain there wrapped in the folds of a blanket. Bill had to submit with all the grace he could commit under the circumstances in the long run, however he will win only when he is liberated he will get the clothes all right.

– Press Democrat, September 7, 1907
BUSY DAY IN THE POLICE CIRCLES
Hop Pickers Indulge Too Freely– “Tennessee Bill” Once More an Inhabitant of County Jail

There was something doing in police circles yesterday afternoon and Fourth street was kept alive with the jingle of the bell of the patrol wagon.

Half a dozen men, from the hop yards, celebrating the fact that they had been paid off, took a little too much hop brew aboard, and were overcome. Three of them required the assistance of the patrol wagon to reach a cool spot in the police station. Three of them were walked there. Police Officer Lindley was the arresting officer in each case.

Some time during the afternoon there was a lusty use of lung power and in response Constable Sam Gilliam hurried to Third street. Some how or other, the shouts seemed sort of familiar to the officer. It was none other than William Cornelius Tennessee Goforth, more familiarly known as “Tennessee Bill.” Bill went over to the county jail for fifteen days and thanked Justice Atchinson for the rest given. Bill finds the jails throughout the state the best homes he knows. He has been there often enough.

– Press Democrat, September 21, 1907

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