ELECTION 1908: VOTER FRAUD AND OTHER DIRTY TRICKS

Gotta hand it to Santa Rosa’s Good Ol’ Boys; when they wanted to steal an election, it was thoroughly stolen.

The year was 1908, and the insiders who had long controlled the town politically were facing a city election they were probably going to lose. Challenging them was an ad-hoc third party that called itself the “Municipal League” which was an alliance of reformers: Prohibitionists, voters deeply upset that Santa Rosa recently had legalized prostitution, and progressives seeking to root out the political “bosses.” The latter posed a very personal threat to the ranks of the Old Guard; this was the same time that San Francisco was prosecuting its political boss Abe Ruef – and here in Santa Rosa, the leader of the Municipal League was a popular former District Attorney who wasn’t afraid to name the men he claimed were the town’s bosses.

The opening gambit to defeat the reformers was to unite everyone who backed the status quo, and the local Democratic and Republican parties offered a “fusion” ticket with identical candidates. The next move equally lacked subtlety; The City Council suddenly discovered there might be too many voters at one polling place if every possible man turned out (women didn’t have the vote in 1908, remember). So ten days before the election, one – or both – polling places were moved in wards that were Municipal League strongholds.

Days before the vote, the Municipal League made the serious charge that they had a list of 170 persons who were registered illegally. “In most of these cases the persons so registered are Italians and it is believed their ignorance of the law has caused them to be made victims,” the Santa Rosa Republican reported. One of the phony voters was even supposedly living with the secretary of the Municipal League.

Yet in an artfully-worded editorial, Ernest Finley claimed the Press Democrat couldn’t find any evidence of fraud at all. “It is probable there is no real basis for any of the charges of illegal registration,” wrote the main apologist for Santa Rosa’s Old Guard. “Very often people forget and give the wrong street number.” But in a passing remark the day after the election, the PD seemed to confirm that some illegally-registered voters were indeed caught: “There was some challenging of voters, but little or nothing resulted.”

Methinks if it were truly “nothing,” Finley would have clearly stated, “nothing” – and crowed about it.

CHANGE MADE IN COMBINATION
Wards Segregated, and New Officers Named

The City Council divided precincts three and five at a special meeting called for that purpose Friday evening, and passed to print the ordinance calling the election….

…Judge R. F. Crawford brought the matter to the attention of the council, and stated that there were over 700 registered voters in wards three and five, which had been combined. He called attention to the fact that it would be impossible to vote all these men in six hundred minutes allowed by law, during which the polls would be open on election day.

Mayor Overton declared that the wards had been combined as a measure of economy, to save the expense of a board of election officers. He said the council had no idea they were so many voters in the ward, and remarked that with the great number of voters there, the counting of the ballots would be seriously delayed over the other precincts.

Colonel L. W. Julliard said he would join in any request to allay any feeling that might arise out of the combining of the precincts. He said he would advise in all fairness that the extra board be appointed, in order that no man should be shut out from the exercising his right to vote. The vote on changing the combined wards was unanimous.

– Santa Rosa Republican, March 28, 1908
ILLEGALLY ON THE REGISTER
Municipal League Has Long List of Non-Residents

The Municipal League has had representatives going over the city for the past couple weeks, and has a list of 170 persons they claim have been registered illegally. In most of these cases the persons so registered are Italians and it is believed their ignorance of the law has caused them to be made victims.

A reward of $50 has been offered for the arrest and conviction of any person found guilty of illegal voting at the election, and the registration deputy who made the illegal registration will also be prosecuted as a party to the crime. It is the intention to make examples of all who violate this law, and watchers will be at the polls during the day to see that the laws are upheld.

One peculiar fact is that one person is registered as residing at the home of Frank L. Hoyt, secretary of the Municipal League on Humboldt Street. Mr. Hoyt is amused that such liberties should be taken with him.

Four men are alleged to be registered at the residence of J. Hesseschwerdt at 1014 Ripley Street, and that gentleman declares they have never resided there. The League has information that the men are teamsters and live on the Sonoma road.

A vegetable gardener who resides on Sonoma Avenue adjoining the pumping station outside of the city limits, informed Albert O. Erwin on Friday that he and two of his men intended to vote at the city election, and he said they had been registered as living inside the city limits. He promised to bring Mr. Erwin a card Saturday morning showing the street and number from which he is been registered.

The League tends to prosecute every man who votes illegally and wherever there is a doubt as to the man’s right to vote he will be forced to swear in the vote.

– Santa Rosa Republican, April 4, 1908

With a great show a feeling Mr. Thompson charged that an attempt had been made to disfranchise a lot of voters by throwing two wards into one and making so many men vote at one place that they would not all have time to prepare and cast their ballots. The thing has been done here time and again, and the only idea of the council was to avoid unnecessary expense, but Mr. Thompson charged that it was a “dirty political trick.” The precinct boundaries were established long before registration was completed, and before anyone really knew how many voters did live in the ward. When the attention to the authorities was called to the fact that some 600 men would have to vote at one of the one polling place another was immediately established, although the ticket is so short that all could have doubtless have voted at one place with ease. However, rather than have any possible question about it the above change was made. Nobody with any sense at all believed for a moment that the council desired to prevent a full and free expression of the wishes of the people, and Mr. Thompson himself knew it was not true, yet the charge was made in all apparent seriousness, both by the League paper and by Mr. Thompson in a public speech.

The charge of illegal registration is one that has been advanced during the past few days. Last night’s Republican contained an article on the subject, and a long dispatch also appeared in the Bulletin. One of the specific charges contained in the Republican and Bulletin stories is that someone is illegally registered from 926 Humboldt street, the residence of Frank L Hoyt, secretary of the Municipal League. A close and careful search of the register made last night failed to reveal any such condition of affairs. Only one man is registered as living at 926 Humboldt street, and that man is Frank L Hoyt himself. When asked on the street last night about the charge, Mr. Hoyt admitted that he was not certain about the matter, but that he had heard such a report going around. He said there was one case he was positive about, however, and that was where a man was registered from 1552 13th street, the home of his stenographer. The register fails to bear out this charge. Only one man is registered from the 1552 13th St. and that man is James Townsend. He resides at the address named and is a qualified and legal voter. Another specific charge relates to 1014 Ripley Street. It is claimed that nobody by the name of Canessa ever lived there, but a consultation of the assessment roll shows that the property stands in the name of G. B. Canessa, and, while the place is now rented to J. Haselschwardt, Canessa and his three sons formerly lived at the address given. It is probable there is no real basis for any of the charges of illegal registration. Very often people forget and give the wrong street number, and as a usual thing people are very slow to commit a felony when they have nothing whatever to gain from it.

– Press Democrat editorial, April 5, 1908

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ELECTION 1908: THE GOOD OL’ BOYS VS. THE REFORMERS

War makes for strange bedfellows, and in 1908 Santa Rosa, bedfellows were strange, indeed: The Democratic and Republican parties united to offer a single slate of candidates for mayor, council, and other elected city posts. These normally-bitter rivals joined forces to fight a common enemy: Reformers who wanted to clean up the town, starting with booting the good ol’ boys from power.

The deal for the “fusion” ticket was sealed during the simultaneous party conventions that March, with a delegate from each dashing back and forth to ensure that Santa Rosa voters would be offered the same wonderful “two party system” enjoyed in banana republics and better dictatorships. So close were the platforms of the two parties that you could not slip a playing card between them:

DEMOCRATS REPUBLICANS
We earnestly recommend and favor the immediate repeal of the so-called boarding-house license…
We hearby pledge…to repeal the ordinance licensing houses of ill-fame…
We demand the payment of good wages for labor at Union rates and declare that eight hours shall constitute a day’s work; in all departments of the city government, and that all appointments and laborers be bonafide residents of this city… We hearby pledge…to protect the mechanics and laborers of the city, asking of them only a fair day’s work at union wages; giving preference in the employment of labor to the bonafide residents of this city…
We favor proper legislation to secure to our citizens abundant and wholesome free water for domestic use… We hearby pledge…to secure abundant free water for domestic use and a just and equitable distribution thereof…
We favor…the regulation of public service corporations to compel them to furnish to this city and its people proper and sanitary light and power, both gas and electric, at fair and reasonable rates. We hearby pledge…to compel public service corporations to furnish adequate telephone service and proper and sanitary light, heat and power, both electric and gas, at reasonable rates…

Aside from repeal of the unpopular law that had legalized and regulated prostitution, the Dem/Repub platforms could be summed up as a vote for business-as-usual. Heading their ticket as candidate for mayor was the quintessential insider: James H. Gray, developer, president of the Chamber of Commerce, and namesake of the town of Graton.

The reform mayoral candidate was Rolfe Thompson, a lawyer and former Deputy District Attorney. (Thompson would become Superior Court judge in 1920 and later be appointed to the state Supreme Court; when he left for that seat in 1929, his Superior Court judgeship was taken by a man named Hilliard Comstock.) Thompson was less specific about what he would do as mayor, except for one point that he repeated often: He would put an end to “bossism.” He maintained that Santa Rosa was being run by just four men – and he even had the temerity to call them out by name.

Thompson’s reform party was called the Municipal League, and will be explored in the following post. For the purpose of introduction, it’s only necessary to know that it was the descendant of the 1905 Good Government League. Also: Press Democrat editor Ernest L. Finley hated them with passion.

In the weeks before the April election, Finley wrote several lengthy editorials scourging the Municipal League. His main avenue of attack was to repeatedly accuse them of being puppets of “the church element,” and particularly a prohibition-seeking group called the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union. And truthfully, the Municipal League leaned towards being a neo-temperance party because Thompson took no position on alcohol; what the temperance movement wanted at the time was for elected officials to show willingness for prohibition to be put to a vote, as was about to happen in Healdsburg that April (the town elected to stay “wet”).

But Finley didn’t stop with insinuations that the Municipal League played footsie with prohibitionists; he wrote at length they were nay-sayers who sought to destroy Santa Rosa by questioning the status quo. Finley’s favorite mud-slinging gimmick was setting up straw-man arguments; when the Municipal League said that a vote for the fusion ticket was the same as “endorsing the present administration,” the Press Democrat editor pretended to misunderstand their allegory and dismiss it as “twaddle” because no one from the administration was running for reelection (the newspaper followed by boasting that the administration was composed of the finest, most unselfish men that could be found anywhere on the planet). When the Municipal League suggested the PD was “owned” by the “same men who aspire to own Santa Rosa,” Finley took the literal meaning in order to call them liars or fools for not knowing that Finley and his partner were the business owners.

Finley’s venom was also directed at the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union’s newsletter called “The Citizen.” Alas, no copies from that year appear to have survived (the county library has a couple of issues from 1909), so we’re left with the snippets and paraphrases that were used in PD editorials. It’s also regrettable that the Santa Rosa Republican didn’t call out the Press Democrat on its lies and misrepresentations, as it had in the political “flapdoodle” of the 1904 election. But the Republican did offer up a column by Tom Gregory describing the fusion conventions. Mostly written in heavy dialect (presumably to make it “humorous”), he drops the hick shtick at the end to make a telling point: “For years and years Santa Rosa has called for a non-partisan choice of city officers, and when the campaign came on the voters have lined up at the call of the bosses.”

DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS NAME JOINT TICKET
JAMES H. GRAY IS CHOSEN FOR MAYOR OF SANTA ROSA
Strong Platforms Are Adopted By Both Parties
Dr. J. W. Jesse Chairman at Democratic Gathering Where the Business of the Evening is Disposed of Rapidly and in Good Order

The Democratic convention was largely attended and was a thoroughly representative body. It met in Germania Hall, and harmony and good feeling predominated throughout this evening’s deliberations.

The convention was called to order by L. W. Juilliard, chairman of the democratic city Central committee…

…[A] conference had been held with a like committee from the Republican caucus, and as result of the meeting a plan had been suggested whereby the two parties might unite for the nomination of a single ticket. The plan, he said, was for the Democrats to name the candidate for Mayor, two councilmen and Recorder, and allow Republicans to select the nominees for Assessor, Clerk and two remaining councilmen. The principal object was to bury dissension.

F. J. Hoffman moved that the report of the committee be to be accepted and its action ratified. The motion was duly seconded and carried amid cheers and much applause…

MUNICIPAL CONVENTIONS ARE HELD HERE LAST NIGHT

The Republican city convention held last night at Trembley’s hall was one of most harmonious and enthusiastic of gatherings. With but one or two exceptions all the delegates were present as well as a large gathering of spectators and deep interest was taken in the proceedings.

Dr. S. S. Bogle called the convention to order and stated its objects… Judge Barham thanked the delegates for the honor conferred in electing him chairman and voiced a word of praise for the people of Santa Rosa, whom he said he loved better than ever for the splendid spirit they had exemplified in rebuilding the city after the earthquake. He also praised the banks of Santa Rosa for the financial assistance they had rendered in making rebuilding possible with so much alacrity. He complimented the Republican convention on the determination to display courage and be bold enough to present a ticket for election regardless of politics, and after indulging in some pleasantries regarding national politics this fall, he again congratulated the delegates and the Republican Party in being big enough in municipal affairs to rise above politics and name a good ticket with men who who fully realize the importance of their trust…

– Press Democrat, March 7, 1908
FIXING UP A FUSION TICKET
Allotment of Councilmen Bone of Contention

“That fusion idee has got into snaggy water,” observed the Up Town citizen. “It’s mighty unnatural fur them two ol’ parties to fall to lovin’ of each other all ter once. An’ th’ rank an’ file are a-askin’ what does th’ higher-ups of th’ scheme, who are mighty bizzy a-bringin’ on this combine goin’ to git out of it? Now that several candidates has pulled out of the Independents th’ Democrats are a-sayin’ to themselves, says they: ‘Why should we carry Republicans along; with all the Democrats off th’ Independent ticket we can put up a straight piece of paper an’ every Democrat in town will vote for it; we might as well have th’ mayor and all four councilmen instid of splitin’ up that bunch of jobs; th’ Indys and th’ Reps can’t fuse, they are so apart, an’ that leaves the Republicans with little change for th’ present an’ less hope fur th’ hereafter.’ Of course, th’ Reps don’t subscribe to that doctrin’, an’ they are hopin fur th’ present as well as th’ hereafter but they druther so many Republicans didn’t git on th’ Indy ticket.

Th’ Democratic secret meetin’ of delegates didn’t run on schedule time th’ other night. Somebody, accordin’ to program moved th’ chairman appoint one man from each ward to act as a committee to confer with like committe from th’ Republicans. Then a delegate who is from Kentucky and was in hot Goebel war there, moved th’ wards git their own representatives. This started trouble an’ in th’ scrap th’ chairman got tangled up in parly’ment’ry law an’ both motions was voted down. Then while they was all talkin’ about how it happened th’ chap from th’ ‘Dark an’ Bloody Ground’ got in his motion an’ it was adopted. Over in th’ Republican meetin’ at th’ same time th’ same protest came up, but it ended smoothly in th’ chair ‘pointin’ the representatives subject to ‘proval of th’ wards.

“Well, look at it any way, an’ th’ withdrawls changes matter some. Th’ Democrats tell everybody that that makes no difference, but th’ most innercent marine would not swaller such an anty-‘lection yarn. Th’ Republicans are still got their heads down sawin’ some purty knotty wood. They’ve got no time for public statements. Th’ makin’ up of th’ fusin ticket is a-worryin’ th’ management. Th’ Democrats want th’ mayor an three concilmen, an’ as they already have a holdover man on th’ council, this would give them three to th’ Republican three, with a Democrat mayor to kick off the tie that will always come up when a vote stands three to three. Reps want three new councilmen, which would put th’ Democratic legislative body of th’ city in th’ minority, a place where they say th’ Republicans orier be. But they’re leered th’ Reps will git mad, so durned mad that they’ll take the independent candidate after all.

“Some of the fellers who do a good deal of standin’ around on street corners are a-perfessin’ to enjoy th’ sight of the new candidate on th’ non-partisan ticket, but a lot of men who know things an’ think sometimes, see a hot fight ahead. Yesterday one of th’ most prominent Democrats in this city said to me, ‘For years and years Santa Rosa has called for a non-partisan choice of city officers, and when the campaign came on the voters have lined up at the call of the bosses. A bitter political fight was quickly on, making it hard to get the right kind of men to stand for the offices. When the whole city should be standing together working only for Santa Rosa, they have been arrayed in two political factions, battling over the old political issues that have descended from father to son down the line of years.”
TOM GREGORY.

– Santa Rosa Republican, March 6, 1908
THE “PRESENT ADMINISTRATION”

Having floundered about until they themselves scarcely know where they stand; having advanced all their “arguments,” and without visible effect; and realizing that the tide is sitting against them stronger and stronger every day, the manipulations of the so-called Municipal League charge that a vote for the regular Democratic or Republican nominees is a voted “endorsing the present administration,” and appeal for support upon that ground.

Such talk is of course all nonsense. The outgoing administration has nothing whatever to do with the one that is about to come into power, and all sensible people realize it. Neither Mayor Overton nor any of the members of the present city council are up for re-election. James H. Gray is absolutely untrammeled and has publicly and repeatedly declared that no other consideration than that of the interests of the community as a whole will be allowed to influence his appointments. Under the circumstances the League’s latest appeal becomes mere twaddle.

But the supporters of the so-called Municipal League presume considerably upon the credulity and forgetfulness of the people when they advance arguments of the above nature as a reason for supporting the League ticket. The administration which is so soon to go out of power has in many respects been one of the best, if not the very best, Santa Rosa has ever known. More has been accomplished in less time and under greater difficulties than by any other similar body ever placed in control of affairs here.

Going back to four years ago, when the present administration was called into existence you’re reminded that the conditions were anything but what they should have been. The affairs of the municipality were in such shape, in fact, that our people had come almost unanimously to the opinion that it was time to turn over a new leaf and inaugurate a big change. It was seen that the sewer system would have to be extended to the water works further perfected and developed, new bridges constructed, and a large amount of work done upon the streets. This required funds and the only way to secure them was by bond issue.

To insure such a project carrying, it was realized that it would be necessary to have men of high standing in office, so that no one would question the fact that the funds, if voted by the people, would be honestly and judiciously expended. After great difficulty, John P. Overton, President of the Savings Bank of Santa Rosa was finally induced to stand for the office of Mayor. With his assistance the consent of three other good men to run for councilmen was then secured. Nothing but the sense of duty induced any of the gentlemen to accept or stand for public office. All were busy men, whose time was valuable. Nevertheless, when finally made to see that their consent meant something to the community, and mighr contribute to the best of the great lover needs to be presented as candidates for there once desired and to it advancement, they agreed to allow their names to be presented as candidates for the offices named and to serve if the people so desired.

Mayor Overton was elected, together with an acceptable city council, and the bonds were voted by a large majority. Meters were provided, several miles of new mains laid, a number of new wells sunk, and finally, after a great deal for careful investigation, which included visits to a number of other cities and consultations with several eminent engineers, a plan was evolved whereby Santa Rosa’s water problem was at last solved.

[.. A lengthy tribute to their leadership on water, sewer and street improvements ..]

The awful havoc wrought by the earthquake and fire is something of which our people do not have to be reminded. The frightful scene of death and desolation that greeted us on the morning of April 18, less than two years ago, is still fresh in the minds of every living inhabitant. The “present administration” had been inducted into office only the night before. What a stupendous and appaling task was presented on the very first day of their official existence! Did the men whom the so-called Municipal League are now trying so hard to belittle shrink from their duty? Did they meet the trying task that was laid before them bravely, and as men, or otherwise?

Every reader knows only too well the story of the days and weeks and months that followed this, the greatest crisis and all the city’s history. Under the guidance and direction of the “present administration,” our dead were buried, the living fed and the widows and orphans provided for. In the twinkling of an eye the whole condition of affairs had been changed. From a happy, prosperous, well-ordered community, Santa Rosa had been transformed almost instantly into a state of utter chaos. Character, ability and brains of a high order were required to meet the situation which then confronted the community. But it was met–bravely, and with a dignity and quiet thoroughness that can never be forgotten or too highly praised.

The men who have since been “big enough to build hotels and business blocks” who had previously shown themselves brainy enough to attract the attention of all the country through the handling of an international legislation, who both before and since have been considered capable of managing some of our most important enterprises, also show themselves capable of handling the many complex and trying situations that then presented themselves.

Even San Francisco, in a somewhat similar position was glad to take advantage of and adopt many of the ideas and suggestions evolved by the “present administration” at that time.

And in two short years Santa Rosa has almost completely recovered, as far as outward appearances go, from the frightful calamity which befel her on that fateful morning of April 18, 1906.

And yet in spite of all these things–this stupendous burden that has been carried so bravely and so well, this neve-racking task that has been so faithfully performed– a few people pretend to find fault with the “present administration.”

Out upon the ingrates who would try to belittle the great work that has been done! When one stops to recall the long the hours of toil that been so willingly and conscientiously devoted to public service, the thousand-and-one details that have been studied and given consideration, the sacrifice of time and attention to private interests that it has all entail, the wonder is that even men to make it their life practice to object and find fault with everything and everybody have the hardihood to do so in this instance.

But let them carp and criticize, if they will. Every man who is a man and who possesses any sense of gratitude and appreciation whatever, endorses the “present administration”–yes, and is glad of the opportunity!

Morally as well as otherwise the present administration has constantly labored for the betterment of local conditions. The very thing for which it is being blamed most was in reality an honest, sincere and painstaking attempt to restrict and regulate an evil has never been regulated before save by the policeman’s club. Except that some authority was provided for doing what had been done for years before without authority, conditions were not changed in the least. The license for saloons has been raised from thirty to sixty dollars per quarter, and while such places kept open until twelve o’clock at night when the “present administration” went into office, they now close at ten o’clock each evening. Card games are no longer permitted in cigar stores, and gambling anywhere is now strictly prohibited.

“OWNERSHIP” AND “CONTROL”

Who owns the Press Democrat, anyway? We wonder if it is the same men who aspire to own Santa Rosa?–Municipal League.

Ernest L. Finley and Charles O. Dunbar are the sole owners and proprietors of this paper, and have been for many years. Nobody else on earth owns or in any way controls the Press Democrat, or even suggests–much less dictates–its policies. The man who says otherwise either lies or has been misinformed.

This is about as strong as we know how to make this statement. If we knew how to make it any more sweeping we should certainly do so.

We do not know of any many or set of men who “aspire to own Santa Rosa.” We do, however, that a certain set of men aspire to a control of public affairs here. They are the men constitute and stand for the ideas of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union. They seem to think it would be wise to turn the administration of public affairs over to the church element. We think this is as unreasonable as it would be to talk about handing control over to the saloon men, or the medical fraternity, or to any other aggregation or element representing the ideas of a single class. This and the fact that James H. Gray stands for progress and advancement and for the upbuilding of Santa Rosa, and by nature and experience is qualified to bring about these results, while his opponent is not, is all there is to the fight now on. And everybody knows it.

Candidate Thompson in his little paper now declares that he never said anything of the kind, while half a hundred men can be found who say that he did–and to them.

– Press Democrat editorial, March 29, 1908

INTEMPERATE AGITATION

Another issue of “The Citizen” published under the auspices of the Santa Rosa Ministerial Union, and the acknowledged organ of that body, has made its appearance. As was to have been expected, local conditions and the campaign now on come in for some attention at the hands of the publishers.

The “Citizen” reiterates the claim that the movement headed by the so-called Municipal League is not one in behalf of prohibition, and admits that the League has perhaps acted wisely in taking this position, because the time for coming out into the open is not yet right. And in another place, further on, it asks what will happen when the Union takes off its coat and “sails into the fight.”

Of course no one will question the motives that prompted the Ministerial Union in issuing “The Citizen.” The organization’s only object is to benefit Santa Rosa, and publication of the little paper referred to is but part of the general plan adopted in furtherence of this end.

It is doubtless for this reason that the paper is, and for a long time past has been printed in San Francisco, rather than in this city. Anything that benefits California benefits Santa Rosa.

The sordid man of business, with no idea above the dollar and for the most part engrossed with such every-day problems as how to meet the rent and pay his employees on Saturday nights, might be inclined to argue differently. He might contend that having the work done here would mean keeping that much more money at home, giving that much more employment to local printers etc. and conclude that if everybody followed the example set by the Ministerial Union in such matters, Santa Rosa would soon disappear from the map entirely.

But this is not what helps a town. And besides, there are other and far more important matters up for discussion and consideration here just now.

The question is not so much how to build up Santa Rosa, keep the wheels of industry turning, and enable our people to recover from the effects of the great disaster, as it is what the municipality shall do to be saved. Santa Rosa is a place accursed. No man who has any respect whatever for himself or his progeny would think of bringing up a family here. Our once fair city, known far and wide as a place of happy homes, good schools and find churches, has gone completely to the dogs. Everyone is dishonest, all men are liars, the Demon Rum has us tightly by the throat, and Virtue weeps and drags her mantle in the dust. In short, we have both Sodom and Gomorrah worn to a frazzle and poor old Pittsburg is not and never has been in the running.

Of course, some people may not believe what we have just said about Santa Rosa. We shall be considerably surprised if anyone believes it.

Santa Rosa is one of the cleanest, best-governed cities in California today, and every man who has traveled about to ant extent knows it.

But people living in other places, and having no other source information but “The Citizen” and Municipal League paper, would form just such an idea of our town as that first above outlined.

Under all the circumstances, the absurd charges being made by some of the intemperate advocates of the so-called Municipal League are not only showing the great love for Santa Rosa in a most unique way, but they are also doing Santa Rosa a grave injustice and working irreparable injury to her reputation abroad.

– Press Democrat editorial, April 1, 1908

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DON’T TRUST THOSE VOTING MACHINES

Did you hear about the Ohio voting machine scandal? Either the devices were unreliable or someone tampered with them to rig the election — a machine was discovered that awarded every single vote to one candidate. “The discrepancy was so marked, in this case that an error was apparent at a glance,” reported the Santa Rosa Press Democrat. But the allegations weren’t about the much-discussed electronic voting problems in 2004 Ohio (which still scores about 182,000 Google hits); it was about problems with mechanical voting machines in Ohio more than a century ago. And, like skeptics today, Press Democrat editor Ernest L. Finley argued in March, 1906, that the machines were fatally flawed because there was no paper ballot trail for recounts.

The reliability of voting machines was a hot topic that month in Santa Rosa — a real estate company even used the theme for an ad, seen at right — because the U.S. Standard Voting Machine company was trying to convince the City of Roses to buy them. The issue came to climax at a March 6th City Council meeting. One public speaker complained that the machines were too hard to use: “Many people have tried the machines of late and it has been proven that as a rule they are ignorant of the workings of the machine, and unless there could be a lesson given every day between now and the time of the election, it will be the means of disfranchising a large number of the voters of the city.”

But the most compelling speaker that evening was Democratic Party mover-and-shaker Thomas J. Geary, who argued that the “voting machine is an instrument of bossism” and intended to deprive the people of their rights. As reported in the Republican newspaper, Geary created “considerable amusement” as he “…read from the instructions printed on each of the machines, where in order to vote a straight ticket the voter is instructed to ‘pull back the lever until the bell rings.’ He made considerable sport of the fact that the voter must ring a bell when he goes to vote, and stated that he was not particular about having his vote announced by the ringing of a bell.”

Geary preyed upon a common fear with his remark that the machines encouraged “bossism.” Everyone in that audience knew that San Francisco was under the thumb of corrupt political boss Abe Reuf, whose Union Labor party had won re-election just a few months earlier. Reformers had forged a Republican-Democrat “fusion” ticket that had wide support, but contributing to its failure was that voters had to pick out those candidates individually on the ballot. And the new voting machines probably did make such split-ticket voting more difficult; imagine yourself as Mr. 1905 San Francisco Voter (no vote for California women until 1912, remember) who has never seen a voting machine before. You enter the booth and the curtain automatically shuts behind your back. In front of you is a bewildering wall of brass switches. With only a couple of minutes to vote, searching for the reform candidates was daunting; the path of least resistance was to pull a single lever and vote along straight party lines. *

Adding to the distrust of the machines were sensationalist articles in some of the San Francisco pro-reform papers, warning that Reuf could have rigged them. “MACHINE CAN BE FIXED AND VOTERS MUST BE ALERT,” screamed a headline in the October 31, 1905 San Francisco Call. “GRAVE DANGER LIES IN MACHINE DEFECT.” The Bulletin newspaper also joined in warning that corrupt city bosses might rig the machines with rubber bands attached to the counters for opposition candidates, which would snap the counters back into the neutral position; when the voter pulled the lever to record his ballot, there would be no vote entered for the rubber-banded reformers. (Articles and graphics from out-of-town papers don’t really belong here, but the layout from the Call, seen at right, is remarkable.)

Geary’s gripe about the bell was another exaggerated “danger.” Yes, a bell rang when the voter pulled a lever, but the purpose was to let know that he was now free to leave the voting booth, if desired; a curtain had closed behind him when he entered the booth, and it could not be opened until at least one vote had been recorded, notified by the bell.

Geary’s speech settled the matter; the Santa Rosa City Council voted unanimously to stick with the “Australian ballot system” (what we’d call today a hand-counted paper ballot; candidates and their party affiliations are printed on paper and the voter makes a mark next to the names).

As for the reliability of these early voting machines and the possibility of mischief, it appears that the gizmos received a bad rap. No rubber-band tampering was ever found in San Francisco, and an article about voting machines in a 1905 technical magazine noted that such tampering is “possible but stupid” because the rubber band would be visible to the voter. A scan of 1905-1906 newspaper stories nationwide finds no complaints except in New Jersey, where political bosses placed the machines just in districts inclined to split-ticket voting, thus creating the same obstacles that voters faced in San Francisco. And as for the Ohio machine where all the votes suspiciously went to one candidate, no mention can be found. Either the incident had happened years before, or the Press Democrat was spinning tales.


* Geary’s “bossism” speech marked the second time in a few months that Democrats in Santa Rosa had interjected 1905 San Francisco election politics into local issues. The previous September, PD editor Finley had compared a Santa Rosa reform group to the Citizen’s Alliance, a despised organization of anti-labor thugs. In the San Francisco election, Boss Reuf primarily won by dishonestly linking the reformers with the group.
THE VOTING MACHINE

The agent for one of the various voting machines now on the market has tendered the city free use of his machines at the approaching municipal election, with the idea that their purchase will probably follow, together with that of sufficient others to equip the county.

So much has been heard regarding the wonders of the voting machine that one almost hates to admit, even to himself, that the only real argument in their favor is that they satisfy public curiosity as to the result of the election a little sooner than can be done under the present system.

Opposed to this are many disadvantages [sic].

We have yet to hear of a case where anyone has been injured by having to wait until the following morning to ascertain the result of an election; in fact the uncertainty of the few hours first following the closing of the polls is what adds most to the interest of such affairs.

The first argument against the voting machine is that it is a machine and as such is of course apt to get out of order at any time and without warning, either electing the wrong man or invalidating the entire election.

The second, and perhaps the most serious objection, is that the machines now on the market are constructed upon an incorrect principle. They are all built with the idea of encouraging “straight voting,” where the safety and very existence of our present form of government depends upon encouraging the independent voter. Public sentiment is running strong against the “straight ticket” idea, and it is highly probably that before long our laws will be so amended as to do away with the present form of ballot entirely, compelling every voter to exercise his choice for or against each individual candidate, as was the case under the old Australian ballot system. When this is done the voting machines now in use will become worthless, and others built upon the new principal will have to be purchased to take their place. It therefore follows that this is not a very good time to buy voting machines, whether one is in favor of or opposed to them.

The voting machine is different from any other machine in that its mistakes cannot be corrected. The work of the adding machine, the typewriter and the Linotype can be done over again in cases where errors are discovered, but no such rectifying of mistakes is possible with the voting machine. The voter records his wish and goes his way, no one knows where, and he leaves no record of his action save that contained in the inner mechanism of the machine. When later in the day, the machine is found to be out of order, it is impossible to round up all the voters the second time, and so the entire day’s work is lost.

In case the disarrangement is not discovered, somebody is “counted out.”

According to a report telegraphed from Ohio not long ago, when a voting machine was opened at the close of the day’s run it was found that one candidate had received two or three thousand votes and his opponent none at all. The discrepancy was so marked, in this case that an error was apparent at a glance, but if it had been less so it might have never been noticed.

A very strong argument against the voting machine is that it leaves no record of its procedure, and in case a dispute arises as to the correctness of its figures, there is no possible way of settling it. Under the present system it is always possible to rectify mistakes, even after the result has been announced by referring to the returns or recounting the ballots, or both.

The first cost of the voting machine is very heavy; and the money paid for them goes to manufacturers residing in the east. Between elections the machines must be stored, and a thorough overhauling at the hands of an expert is necessary each time before they can be placed in commission. In addition to the heavy expenditure required in their purchase and maintenance, about the same amount must be paid out for assistance as under the present system. Although it is claimed that such is not the case, it is very probable that no real saving is effected by the introduction of the voting machine. Figuring interest on the cost of the investment, wear and tear, etc., and considering the likelihood of having to throw the machine out of commission after a few years’ use, the cost of conducting elections is in all probability considerably greater where the machine is used than under the hand system.

And the entire amount paid out for conducting elections under the present system goes to the citizens and taxpayers of the county.

It may be that some people will contend that voting machines should be introduced here at once, but we are inclined to believe that if such is the case, it is only because they have failed to consider the matter in all its aspects.

As we see it, there is nothing to be gained by the introduction of machines within the city or the county at the present time. The forty or fifty thousand dollars that it would cost can be expended to far better advantage in other directions.

– March 6, 1906 Press Democrat editorial

VOTING MACHINES WILL NOT BE USED AT CITY ELECTION
Council Rescind Former Resolution
Petition Presented and Considerable Oratory Feature of Proceedings

By unanimous vote the members of the City Council at their meeting last night rescinded a resolution passed at a previous meeting providing for the use of voting machines at the coming municipal election. Many citizens were present at the meeting, and when Mayor Overton declared the motion carried, the hall rang with applause.

A petition very numerously signed was first read. It asked that the resolution heretofore passed providing for the use of voting machines should be allowed to stand, and called attention to the use of machines elsewhere, etc. The petition was placed on fine.

Then Attorney L. W. Julliard, representing Frank C. Jordan, agent for the voting machine, stepped to the front. He stated that he had received a telephone message a short time before asking him to appear and stating that owing to a failure to make train connections Mr. Jordan found himself left over night at Stockton and unable to reach Santa Rosa in time for the meeting. Jordan asked that the machine matter be delayed until Wednesday night when he could be present.

Councilman Wallace moved that the former resolution passed by the City Council allowing the use of voting machines be rescinded. Councilman Donahue seconded the motion. Then the debate on the question began, and Mayor Overton gave anyone who desired to speak an opportunity to do so.

John Robinson, the well known proprietor of the Eagle hotel, was not slow in accepting the Mayor’s invitation for an expression of views. Mr. Robinson said there was no doubt but that the agent of the voting machine had fully explained his wares to the council, and he could not be blamed for endeavoring to get business for his company. He thought, however, that possibly the passing of the resolution two weeks ago was a little hasty, and he mentioned Mayor Overton’s desire as expressed at the time to have the matter considered further. The speaker called attention to the complications of the mechanism he had seen men contend with when they attempted to practice voting on a machine, and he did not mince language when he declared with some emphasis that the use of machines here on election day would practically disfanchise a great many good people. He though that if the resolution was not rescinded it would be a very serious mistake.

Attorney Julliard in behalf of Mr. Jordan took the floor to extol the virtues of the machine and if he had been speaking for himself and also was the agent, his argument could hardly have been more persuasive. He said that the arguments against the use of the machines could almost as well be applicable to the Australian ballot. He cited elections in other cities and towns where machines had worked, presumably like a charm.

Before Colonel Julliard spoke, Councilman King said he would like to hear what the Hon. T. J. Geary had to say, Mr. Geary being an interested but silent looking-on at the proceedings. Colonel Julliard had his inning first, and during the course of his remarks he (Colonel Julliard) called attention to the incorrect statement published in an evening paper stating that Mr. Geary was in favor of the machines.

Mr. Geary spoke forcibly and eloquently in opposing the introduction of voting machines here at the present time. He said it was no stroke of economy to use the machines because there would have to be the usual election officers and other matters to provide for. He said he was opposed to voting machines as at present constructed which were in direct opposition to the tendency of the people in their use of the ballot. Voting machines, he declared, with much emphasis, were made for the benefit of the bosses and for the depriving of the people of their rights. They were made, he said, to permit the bosses’ coercing the people and were used as a means to get them to do their bidding. Things had come to such a pass he declared that it was often a choice between two sets of bosses nowadays, and people under the pretense of freedom had become abject slaves of bosses and of bossism. The tendency of the times, he said, was to destroy the bosses and there was also a strong tendency against party tickets, and a growth of an intelligent sentiment which demands that people thing and vote for themselves. Amid applause the speaker declared the “voting machine is an instrument of bossism.” He went on to say that he believed the present ballot law would be changed within two years.

Colonel Julliard replied to some of the things the previous speaker had touched on, and said that out of courtesy to Mr. Jordan the matter might be laid over until Wednesday night when that gentleman could be here.

Mr. Robinson said he had learned through the public press of the city and in other ways to show that the people generally did not want the voting machine.

J. L. Jordan said he preferred and he thought the majority preferred that the coming election should be voted in the old way.

In further proof of his statements Mr. Geary brought in a minature voting machine which had been place in the anteroom for inspection, and his reading of the directions and the explanations afforded considerable merriment and drove home to a clinch some of the claims he had made.

The vote on the question was then called for and Councilmen Reynolds, Donahue, Brown, Wallace, King and McDonough all voted a hearty “Aye,” and the spectre of the voting machine at the coming city election vanished. The city will pay the cost of the freight in bringing the voting machines here as agreed.

– March 7, 1906 Press Democrat

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